ACTON ALERT: End US Military Aid to Mexico

August 11th, 2012 - by admin & Democracy Now! & Ioan Grillo / Global Post – 2012-08-11 00:33:33

ACTON ALERT: End US Military Aid to Mexico

(August 9, 2012) — Last June, Maria learned that her son, an unknown victim of the distant “Drug War” in Mexico, was killed. (Note: Maria’s name was changed to protect her and her family.) Maria grieves and is coming to the United States on August 12th as part of the Caravan for Peace (1) with a simple message: stop U.S. military aid to Mexico — and stop it now.

Since 2008, the U.S. Government has given Mexico more than $2 billion in military aid, most of which goes to fight the failed drug war. (2) Many agree that the current war on drugs is a complete failure. Maria also knows this. She knows it is a waste of US taxpayer money and, the loss of her son’s life is proof that it is also a catastrophic threat to human life.

Will you join Maria and the thousands of other US and Mexican people in telling Congress to end the U.S. military aid that is exacerbating the crisis of extreme violence in Mexico?

Very few people know that, like most of the more than 60,000 people killed in Mexico’s drug war, Maria’s teenage son was not involved in drugs or in military confrontation. Her boy was caught in the spiral of violence created after the United States and Mexican government joined forces in a failed military strategy against drug trafficking.

Will you join Maria and the thousands of other Americans and Mexicans asking Congress to end U.S. military aid that is only exacerbating the crisis of extreme violence in Mexico?

Even in the face of widespread rejection of the war on drugs, in Mexico, Latin America and in the United States, the U.S. government continues providing the guns, the training and the money that is fueling the violence in Mexico to even greater and more tragic heights.

Imagine what it’s like to live in a country where a failed policy is feeding a war that is killing 43 people every day? That’s the nightmare in Maria’s Mexico where our tax dollars are helping to kill many innocent people caught in the drug war.

Will you join Maria and the thousands of other Americans and Mexicans and ask Congress to end the U.S. military aid that is only fueling the violence in Mexico?

P.S. Please like’s Facebook page to follow us along as we join the Caravana for Peace to end violence in Mexico

The Message

Dear U.S. Congress:

Since 2008, the US Government has given Mexico more than $2 billion dollars in military aid, most of which goes to fight the failed drug war. Many agree that the current “War on Drugs” is a complete failure.

It’s time that the U.S. Congress comes to terms with its failure to win the “War on Drugs” and to halt military aid going to Mexico, which further contributes and exarcerbates the crisis of extreme violence throughout Mexico.

1. “Mexican Poet Javier Sicilia Leads U.S. Peace Caravan to Expose Drug War’s Human Toll.” Democracy Now, May 10, 2012,

2. “NGOS to Washington: Cut military aid to Mexico.” Global Post, November 10, 2011,

Mexican Poet Javier Sicilia Leads US Peace Caravan to Expose Drug War’s Human Toll
Democracy Now!

(May 10, 2012) — One of Mexico’s best-known poets, Javier Sicilia, laid down his pen last year after his 24-year-old son was murdered by drug traffickers in Cuernavaca, Mexico. In his son’s memory, Sicilia created the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity to urge an end to the drug violence — violence that has left an estimated 60,000 dead, 10,000 disappeared, and more than 160,000 Mexicans displaced from their homes over the past six years.

Sicilia is now in the United States to launch a month-long peace caravan to “bring to the American people’s conscience their shared responsibility for the thousands of dead, missing and displaced in the drug war.”

NGOS to Washington: Cut military aid to Mexico
NGOs argue for less guns and more institution building

Ioan Grillo / Global Post

(November 10, 2011) — A group of influential NGOs in Washington on Thursday called on the U.S. government to reduce military aid to Mexico and replace it with more help building Mexico’s institutions.

Presenting a joint report, entitled “A Cautionary Tale,” the NGOs argued that the U.S. help to Mexico has been too centered on support of its army and marines.

While the soldiers have been shooting down drug cartel capos and hit men across the country, they have also been accused of widespread human rights abuses, including torture, murder and forced disappearances.

“The only way out is for citizens to live with a government—not just a military, but a government,” said report co-author Adam Isacson of the Washington Office on Latin America. “And that includes a justice system with the tools to stop that government’s representatives from abusing citizens or working with criminals.”

Since the Merida Initiative was signed in 2007, the U.S. government has underwritten the war on drugs in Mexico with some $1.8 billion worth of training and equipment, including Black Hawk helicopters.

However, during this time there have been more than 40,000 drug related murders as cartels fund death squads to fight each other and the security forces.

The NGOs argue that the Merida Initiative is fast resembling Plan Colombia, in which the U.S. eventually spent some $8.5 bolstering the Andean nation.

While Plan Colombia helped reduce the power of drug traffickers and guerrillas, it also supported an army that killed hundreds of civilians.

“The right choice is not to fund an abusive army,” said report co-author Lisa Haugaard of the Latin America Working Group.

On Wednesday, the New York-based Human Rights Watch released its own report, in which it documented cases of abuse by Mexican security forces in five states.

In total, it found 170 cases with credible evidence of torture, including waterboarding and electric shocks, 24 cases of extra-judicial killings and 39 forced disappearances.

Can the Caravan for Peace End the War on Drugs?
Tom Hayden / The Rag Blog

“The powers that be were trying to tell us that all those who were dying were just criminals, just cockroaches. We had to change the mindset, and put names to the victims for a change.”
— Mexican Poet Javier Sicilia

(August 9, 2012) — Named the Caravan for Peace, the trek is intended to put human faces and names on the estimated 60,000 dead, 10,000 disappeared, and 160,000 displaced people in Mexico since 2006, when the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency, Pentagon, and the CIA supported the escalation of the Mexican armed forces.

[The Caravan for Peace will be in Austin, Saturday, August 25, with a public rally on the south steps of the State Capitol from 12 noon-3 p.m. Other Texas stops include El Paso, Laredo, Harlingen, Brownsville, McAllen, San Antonio (August 24), and Houston (August 26).]

The caravan, which has staged mass marches across Mexico since 2011, is led by well-known Catholic poet Javier Sicilia, 56, whose son Juan Francisco, then 24, was killed in crossfire in Cuernavaca in March 2011.

After his son’s death, Sicilia, vowing not to write poetry any longer, formed a Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD) and penned an anguished grito, or cry, titled “Estamos Hasta La Madre!” The English equivalent might be “Fed Up!,” but the Spanish slang also means that the authorities “insulted our mother protector, they’ve committed a sacrilege,” Sicilia says.

About 70 Mexican activists, many of whom are relatives of victims, and about 30 Americans will accompany Sicilia on the caravan along the U.S.-Mexico border, north from New Orleans through Mississippi and Alabama, to Chicago, Cleveland, New York City, Baltimore and Washington, DC. The U.S.-based Global Exchange is charged with coordination and logistics.

More than 100 U.S. immigrant rights and peace groups are actively involved, including the Drug Policy Alliance, the NAACP, the Washington Office on Latin America, the Center for International Policy’s Americas Program, the Law Enforcement Against Prohibition, the National Latino Congreso, and Veterans for Peace. Fifty grassroots groups are involved from California alone.

The caravan may force a response from President Obama, who at the Summit of the Americans this past April stated “it is entirely legitimate to have a conversation about whether the laws in place are ones that are doing more harm than good in certain places.”

At this point, the caravan has not reached a decision on whether to seek a meeting with the White House, according to caravan spokesman Daniel Robelo of the Drug Policy Alliance. But it will hold briefings on Capitol Hill and intends to reach out to administration officials, Robelo says.

After the caravan massed 100,000 in Mexico City’s Zócalo (main plaza) last spring, Sicilia took part in direct dialogue with Mexican president Felipe Calderón last June in historic Chapúltepec Castle. On a large table before the president lay photos of Mexicans slain in the conflict, often depicting them as smiling, hopeful human beings before the horror that claimed their lives.

Sicilia said, “The powers that be were trying to tell us that all those who were dying were just criminals, just cockroaches. We had to change the mindset, and put names to the victims for a change.”

The response to Sicilia’s call was spontaneous and widespread. Overnight he became a revered figure in Mexico. Soon he was one of the protesters featured in Time magazine’s 2011 “Person of the Year” issue.

Assuming favorable local and national coverage as the caravan crosses the United States, Sicilia’s voice will soon be heard by millions of Americans.

And an unusual voice it is. Authentic: the voice of a grieving father. Nonpolitical: “I had never thought of starting a movement or being a spokesman for anything.” Religious: he is a theologian trained in liberation theology, and believes “the life of the soul can be powerful too.”

Sicilia’s movement has not pleased everyone on the Mexican left. Though a man of the left, Sicilia did not support Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the presidential candidate of the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD). In the view of some, his strategy of dialogue only made Calderón and conservative political parties seem more reasonable.

In a Time interview, Sicilia denounced left-wing groups in Juárez for trying to “highjack the movement” by insisting that Calderón withdraw all Mexican troops from the streets. Sicilia’s intuition was that immediate and total withdrawal of the army was an unrealistic demand that would weaken public support. “It threatened to drain the force of the movement,” he said. “It showed me that a protest can’t be overly ideological if it’s going to be successful.”

An eyewitness journalist I spoke to, however, said the Juárez dispute also concerned the centralizing of too much decision-making power in Sicilia alone. The journalist acknowledged that many differences exist about the role, if any, of troops on the streets.

Perhaps the main achievement of Sicilia’s campaign so far is a change in narrative about the drug war taking place across Mexico. For years the central narrative has been about escalating prohibition and repression through a “mano dura” (“strong hand”) policy by the state and security forces. Victims’ voices have been enlisted to promote revenge. Questioners were marginalized as soft on crime and drugs.

While many are still enraged about traffickers and assassins, the rising narrative is about the failure of the drug war itself — including Mexican institutions like corrupt courts, law enforcement, and elected bodies — and a thoroughgoing “cluelessness” that Sicilia sees among Mexico’s governing elites.

Elites in the U.S. also will be threatened by parts of the platform the MPJD is carrying north. The document was cobbled together over a mid-June weekend with input from the Center for International Policy’s Americas Program, the Drug Policy Alliance, Washington Office Online America and Witness for Peace, among others.

The platform attempts to re-balance the drug policy debate from the two poles of Prohibition and Legalization towards a dialogue about alternative policies to militarization. It calls for:
• “suspension of US assistance to Mexico’s armed forces,” and a shift from the war focus to human security and development;
• effective policies to halt arms smuggling in border regions, especially Texas and Arizona;
• an increased federal crackdown on money-laundering;
• protections of immigrants who have been “displaced by violence who are fleeing to the U.S. seeking save haven and a better life.”

The DPA’s Daniel Robelo says the main purpose of the caravan is to “make Mexico’s national emergency tangible in the U.S.” and create a binational platform to affect public opinion.

Laura Carlsen, of the Americas Program in Mexico City, who worked on the platform’s security issues, says that the caravan has this very sort of moral purpose more than political right now. It’s outrageous that our governments continue with a strategy that is demonstrably ineffective and costly in terms of death and destruction of families.

By hearing the stories of Mexican victims alongside families of U.S. youth incarcerated for simple possession and lives lost to the violence and corruption of the illegal drug trade, citizens can get a real picture of how deeply wrong prohibition and the drug war are and begin to look at realistic and humane alternatives.

If the caravan’s call to “end the violence” diminishes public support for the militarized approach, it could force an open dialogue about alternatives like drug legalization, until very recently considered a fatal third rail.

Sicilia and the caravan have been careful not to call explicitly for legalization, because their starting point is the suffering caused by the failed drug war. In addition, they acknowledge that the alternatives are complex.

They have an informal consensus, though not a demand, on somehow regulating marijuana more safely, and promoting research and analysis on approaches other drugs like cocaine and methamphetamine — humanizing, so to speak, instead of militarizing, the problem.

The caravan arrives at a turning point in the hemispheric drug policy debate. Obama’s endorsement of a new “conversation” was forced by unprecedented criticism of U.S. drug war policies by the presidents of Guatemala, Colombia, Costa Rica, Argentina, Brazil, and Ecuador at a regional summit in February. Belize has followed suit, and Uruguay’s president José Mujica on June 20 proposed that his country become the first to legalize marijuana under state management.

A recent front-page New York Times account titled “South America Sees Drug Path to Legalization” mocked Mr. Mujica as “famously rebellious,” a “former guerrilla who drives a 1981 Volkswagen beetle.” Mujica, the Times seemed to chuckle, would turn Uruguay into the world’s first “marijuana republic.”

But the regional upheaval against the drug war paradigm is real, and Obama knows it. The U.S. government’s increasing isolation from Latin America will require more than “a conversation,” but it could usefully begin with one. The drug war status quo is collapsing. More than ever, voices of protest are backed by the power of hemispheric leaders too numerous to ignore.

Tom Hayden is a former California state senator and leader of Sixties peace, justice, and environmental movements. He currently teaches at Pitzer College in Los Angeles. His latest book is The Long Sixties. This article was first published at The Nation. Read more of Tom Hayden’s writing on The Rag Blog.

The Rag Blog and Rag Radio will present writer and progressive activist Tom Hayden, Saturday, August 25, 2012, at 5 p.m., at the 5604 Manor Community Center in Austin. Tom — who was a founder of SDS and primary author of the Port Huron Statement — and later a California State Senator — will speak on “The Drug War, the Peace Movement, and the Legacy of Port Huron.” There will be a suggested $5 donation to the New Journalism Project, publisher of The Rag Blog.

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